YES! Tim Hudak CAN save the Day!!!!

Killing green energy contracts

 

Done the right way, a new PC government could indeed rip up green energy contracts with no liability. Should they?

Brent Lewin/BloombergDone the right way, a new PC government could indeed rip up green energy contracts with no liability. Should they

Hudak’s Ontario Conservatives can easily and legally negate the giveaways the Liberals had lavished on renewables developers

Tim Hudak says the Ontario Conservatives, if elected, will cancel lucrative wind and solar contracts put in place under the Liberals’ green energy program. Can he do so without racking up huge compensation costs?

The answer is yes – if he does it the right way.

The wrong way is to direct the Ontario Power Authority to simply terminate existing contracts, which have robust compensation clauses. The liabilities would dwarf the $1.1-billion paid out by the Liberals for cancelled gas plants.

The right way is to legislate: to enact a statute that declares green contracts to be null and void, and the province to be free from liability. The compensation clauses in the contract will be rendered inoperative if the statute says so.

Statutes can override iron-clad provisions in a contract because that is the nature of legislative supremacy: Legislatures can pass laws of any kind, as long as they are within their jurisdiction and do not offend the constitution. Legislating on electricity production is clearly a provincial power, as are “property and civil rights.”

Since the Canadian constitution does not guarantee property or contract rights, there are no obvious constitutional limitations on a provincial legislature’s ability to change any contract as it likes. Unlike the U.S. Constitution, in Canada there is no constitutional right to compensation for property expropriated by government.

Courts interpret ambiguous statutes as implicitly requiring compensation be paid to the owner of expropriated property. But if the statute is clear that no compensation shall be paid, the words of the statute govern. Where a statute and a contract are in conflict, the statute prevails. Although unilateral and retroactive changes to established contracts might seem to offend the rule of law, the Supreme Court of Canada has said that prospectivity is not a constitutional requirement for legislation.

What about NAFTA? Could a U.S. or Mexican firm with a cancelled green energy contract in Ontario seek compensation for discriminatory expropriation under Chapter 11? If government action singled out a specific party’s contract for termination, it could well be characterized as discriminatory. But if Hudak’s statute cancelled large numbers of contracts for a public policy objective and treated domestic and foreign firms similarly, then NAFTA protections are unlikely to apply.

So, done the right way, a new PC government could indeed rip up green energy contracts with no liability. Should they? While legislatures can cancel contracts, they rarely do so because it penalizes parties who have done business with government, and therefore creates a disincentive to do so in the future. It erodes economic confidence and credibility. For Conservatives and their supporters, cancelling energy contracts may depend on what they find more offensive: Rich subsidies for the production of solar and wind energy, or unilateral changes to valid contracts. No renewable energy contracts have been cancelled in Ontario yet, but in Europe this line has been crossed: Spain, France, Italy and Belgium have all stepped back from their original terms for the production and purchase of renewable power, to the detriment of their domestic renewable energy industries.

The McGuinty Liberals did not pass a statute to escape the bill for cancelled gas plants. It is difficult to know why without all the facts. Perhaps they thought $1.1-billion in costs and erased records would not come to light. Perhaps they feared that legislation would have required disclosure of facts they wanted hidden. Perhaps refusing to pay compensation would have crippled their ability to enter into future contracts with the same or similar companies. Perhaps there were foreign firms involved that could, in fact, have claimed under NAFTA for discriminatory expropriation. Perhaps they judged the political and economic costs to be too high – it is one thing to roll back a program created by a previous government, especially if you have campaigned on the issue, and quite another for a long-standing government to arbitrarily cancel its own contracts. Or perhaps they did not have an opportunity until after they lost their majority, which made it politically untenable.

Contracts are safe when both parties are bound in law to follow them. Contracting with government means that one party has the power to change the rules after the contract is made. Buyers and sellers beware: At the end of the day, the protection in a government contract is not legal but political.

Bruce Pardy is a law professor at Queen’s University.

Wynne Tries to Say she Knew Nothing. No One Could be that Oblivious!!

Gas plant scandal needs accountability

BOB RUNCIMAN, GUEST COLUMNIST

The question now becomes, what consequences will she and her party face?

Political, without question, but there’s a case to be made for legal ramifications to flow from this fiasco.

Wynne has played the innocent card to the hilt, making the unlikely claim that as co-chair of the Liberal election campaign, she was in the dark on the decision to cancel both the Mississauga and Oakville plants. It’s called the doctrine of plausible deniability. Do what you have to do, just don’t tell me.

And since assuming the government’s top job, she has again professed ignorance of any knowledge regarding the real cost to taxpayers of the cancellation decisions. Other than admitting the cancellation was a political decision, she has studiously avoided answering questions in the legislature dealing with the scandal.

In trying to keep as far away as possible from the stench of Liberal corruption, she has tossed most of the tough questions from the Opposition to Government House Leader John Milloy and Energy Minister Bob Chiarelli.

The release of the auditor general’s report confirmed that Wynne, her cabinet and the previous Dalton McGuinty regime deliberately misled Ontarians on the real costs of the cancellation decision.

The auditor general’s report further confirms the gas plant scandal is more than the Liberals misleading Ontarians about the true cost of their politically motivated decision. In truth, it’s a breach of public trust by various political officials, including Wynne, Chris Bentley, McGuinty and others who put their political interest ahead of the public interest they were obliged to serve.

What’s needed now is real accountability.

During a recent question period in the Legislature, PC MPP Frank Klees asked Wynne if the Liberal party would repay Ontario taxpayers the $275 million cost of their political decision in Mississauga. The Liberals, not surprisingly, refused to answer.

So what can be done?

One possibility could be a class-action civil lawsuit against the Liberal Party of Ontario for unlawfully increasing costs to taxpayers.

Another would be one or both of the opposition parties asking police to conduct a criminal investigation, under Section 122 of the Criminal Code, of the ministers, political staffers and other officials on the public payroll who put politics ahead of the public trust.

The section says that “Every official who, in connection with the duties of his office, commits fraud or a breach of trust is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years…”

Is it far-fetched to consider a criminal investigation in this case?

Hardly.

Government employees have been investigated under Section 122 for far less serious conduct — things such as leaking a confidential report.

Beyond those legal remedies, real accountability will come when the voters of Ontario are empowered to render their decision on whether Wynne and her Liberal cronies are fit to hold office.

That means an election and, hopefully, the NDP will stop providing cover for the McWynne-ty government, and instead join the Ontario PCs to remove these people from office. One thing is for sure, we’ll all be watching.

— Senator Runciman is a former Progressive Conservative MPP and cabinet minister

 

The Faux-Green Renewables Scam is Dripping with Outrageous subsidies!!

Big Green’s untold billions

Mainstream media don’t know Big Green has deeper pockets than Big Oil

  • Big Green follow the money CFACT Org

The “Kill Keystone XL” crowd isn’t little David up against a Big Oil Goliath. As usual, conventional wisdom isn’t wisdom when the mainstream media ask all the wrong questions with commensurate answers.

Behemoth Big Green outstrips Big Oil in expendable revenue by orders of magnitude — if you know how to follow the money.

The mainstream media don’t know how. Like most liberals, their staffs are afflicted with what 20th century futurist Herman Kahn called “Educated Incapacity” — the learned inability to understand or even perceive a problem, much less a solution.

They’ve been taught to be blind, unable to see Big Green as having more disposable money than Big Oil, so they don’t look into it.

They would never discover that the American Petroleum Institute’s IRS Form 990 for the most recent year showed $237.9 million in assets while the Natural Resources Defense Council reported $241.8 million.

Nor would they discover who started the anti-Keystone campaign in the first place. It was the $789 million Rockefeller Brothers Fund (established in 1940). The fund’s program is elaborated in a 2008 PowerPoint presentation called “The Tar Sands Campaign” by program officer Michael Northrop, who set up coordination and funding for a dozen environmental and anti-corporate attack groups to use the strategy, “raise the negatives, raise the costs, slow down and stop infrastructure, and stop pipelines.” Tom Steyer’s $100 million solo act is naive underclass nouveau cheap by comparison.

Mainstream reporters appear not to be aware of the component parts that comprise Big Green: environmentalist membership groups, nonprofit law firms, nonprofit real estate trusts (The Nature Conservancy alone holds $6 billion in assets), wealthy foundations giving prescriptive grants, and agenda-making cartels such as the 200-plus member Environmental Grantmakers Association. They each play a major socio-political role.

Invisible fact: the environmental movement is a mature, highly developed network with top leadership stewarding a vast institutional memory, a fiercely loyal cadre of competent social and political operatives, and millions of high-demographic members ready to be mobilized as needed.

That membership base is a built-in free public relations machine responsive to the push of a social media button sending politically powerful “educational” alerts that don’t show up on election reports.

Big Oil doesn’t have that, but has to pay for lobbyists, public relations firms and support groups that do show up on reports.

You don’t need expert skills to connect the dots linking Keystone XL to Alberta’s oil sands to climate change to Big Green.

On the other hand, you do need detailed knowledge to parse Big Green into its constituent parts. I spoke with CFACT senior policy analyst Paul Driessen, who said, “U.S. environmental activist groups are a $13-billion-a-year industry — and they’re all about PR and mobilizing the troops.

“Their climate change campaign alone has well over a billion dollars annually, and high-profile battles against drilling, fracking, oil sands and Keystone get a big chunk of that, as demonstrated by the Rockefeller assault.”

Driessen then identified the most-neglected of all money sources in Big Green: “The liberal foundations that give targeted grants to Big Green operations have well over $100 billion at their disposal.”

That figure is confirmed in the Foundation Center database of the Top 100 Foundations. But how much actually gets to environmental groups? The Giving USA Institute’s annual reports show $80,427,810,000 (more than $80 billion) in giving to environmental recipients from 2000 to 2012.

I checked the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and found $147.3 million in assets while environmental donor Gordon E. and Betty I. Moore Foundation posted $5.2 billion.

Driessen pointed out another unperceived sector of Big Green: government donors. “Under President Obama, government agencies have poured tens of millions into nonprofit groups for anti-hydrocarbon campaigns.”

Weather Channel co-founder John Coleman adds, “The federal government is currently spending $2.6 billion [per year] on climate change research (and only those who support the “carbon dioxide is a pollutant/major greenhouse gas’ receive funding).”

This web of ideological soul-mates, like all movements, has its share of turf wars and dissension in the ranks, but, as disclosed on conference tapes I obtained, it shares a visceral hatred of capitalism, a worshipful trust that nature knows best, and a callous belief that humans are not natural but the nemesis of all that is natural.

Lawyer Christopher Manes wrote “Green Rage: Radical Environmentalism and the Unmaking of Civilization.” Manes now practices tax litigation from his law office in Palm Springs, Calif., which he has not yet unmade.

The legal branch of Big Green is varied. Earthjustice, (formerly Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund) raked in $133.8 million in the past five years – comparable to many similar law organizations. Highly litigative attack groups receiving federal settlements are numerous and thriving, such as the Center for Biological Diversity ($29.2 million in the past five years).

It’s not unusual for heirs of big money to dream of unmaking the source of their wealth: Laura Rockefeller Chasin of the Rockefeller Family Fund once said, “It’s very hard to get rid of the money is a way that does more good than harm. One of the ways is to subsidize people who are trying to change the system and get rid of people like us.”

The money reported to the Federal Election Commission is barely the beginning of what’s really happening. It doesn’t show you Big Green’s mobilized boots on the ground, the zooming Twitter tweets, the fevered protesters, the Facebook fanatics or the celebrities preaching carbon modesty from the lounges of their private jets.

When self-righteous victims of Educated Incapacity insist that Big Oil outspends the poor little greenies, keep in mind the mountains of IRS Form 990s filed by thousands of groups, land trusts, lawyer outfits, foundations, and agenda-makers, just waiting for America to wake up and smell Big Green’s untold hundreds of billions.

____________

This article originally appeared in The Washington Examiner

– See more at: http://www.cfact.org/2014/05/14/big-greens-untold-billions/#sthash.u6BIT3H8.dpuf

Be Leary of Doing Business with a Wind Weasel!


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Bureau County leery of costs to take down old wind turbines

Katlyn Rumbold
Princeton Bureau Chief

PRINCETON — Pittsburgh-based EverPower Wind Co. is now the formal owner of Big Sky Wind Farm, which is located in northern Bureau County, the Bureau County Board heard during Monday night’s meeting.

But with that came more concerns on eventual decommissioning of the turbines and what that means for the county’s landowners and taxpayers.

At last month’s meeting, the board was looking into a letter of credit for the decommissioning plan as opposed to the existing cash-on-hand arrangements that already have been in place. Board members previously indicated they didn’t have enough information to move forward with a letter of credit, but last night Bureau County state’s attorney Pat Herrmann said the board has three options: They can either move forward with the letter of credit of just over $1.9 million, keep funds as they are currently or accept the cash that is in the cash escrow account.

“I have concerns about the letter of credit,” said Ed Gerdes, Princeton resident. “Two different issues is the amount and how that’s guaranteed.”

Based on a similar project, Gerdes said the total cost to take down 87 wind turbines came out just over $19.4 million which is approximately $224,000 per turbine.

“That’s one of the big problems we have is there’s only $1.9 million,” Gerdes said of what he says could be a $10 million-$12 million project. “That’s maybe going to take down nine turbines. Who’s going to pay for the rest?

“I don’t think the taxpayers should have to pay for taking those down. The other problem we have is that when landowners signed these leases with these companies they were promised that if this doesn’t work they’ll come back and take the turbine down. They also promised that if they weren’t here, the county would have money set aside to take them down. The county isn’t going to have money so I think all these landowners might end up with a bill for $150-$200,000 to dispose of these turbines.”

Gerdes also expressed concerned about the tax levy expiration in 2016 and what might happen if a new bank took over the letter of credit. However, Michael Speerschneider, who has been representing EverPower Wind Co., said the $1.9 million is an increase to where it was at two years ago and that number is expected to increase over the next 20 years to approximately $3 million.

The board approved a motion to go into negotiations to accept the letter of credit.

*In other news, The board approved a proposal from Butler Insurance of medical coverage and approved the Lawyer’s Professional liability insurance premium and renewal from Dimond Bros. for $3,578 for the public defender.

Tim Hudak Promises to End Wind Scam…..other parties will continue to rob us!

D’Amato: To understand Ontario’s election,

take a careful look at your hydro bill

SEE MOREarticles from this author

It’s so easy to get sidetracked by the distractions.

Ontario Liberal Leader Kathleen Wynne goes for a morning jog in Kitchener’s Victoria Park, leaving a reporter out of breath as he tries to follow. Progressive Conservative Leader Tim Hudak gets kicked off a Toronto subway when he tries to make an announcement, because his team didn’t get permission.

These events grab the headlines because they’re anecdotes, easy to tell. But they have nothing to do with what a political party will or won’t do for you if it wins.

On the other hand, if you look at your hydro bill, and what each party will do about it, it tells you something significant about each of them.

The cost of electricity is a key issue. Ontario’s electricity rates have soared and are now among the highest in North America.

In part, this is because of the Liberal government’s “green energy” plan that offers subsidies to those that put up wind turbines and solar panels, then sell the power back to the power grid.

Expensive electricity is stressful. There’s evidence that it’s forcing manufacturing employers out of the province. Last week, Don Walker, CEO of auto parts giant Magna International, said: “I doubt we’ll add any more plants in Ontario” in part because of electricity costs.

Full platforms have not been released by the parties yet. But here’s what each has said so far about your hydro bill:

Greens: Conservation is their focus. They’d require utilities to provide grants and “affordable” loans for people to make their homes more energy efficient.

Liberals: Their latest announcement was billed as good news for consumers, but when you check the details, it isn’t.

Their plan is to relieve consumers of the debt retirement charge from the old Ontario Hydro (nearly $8 on my last household bill of $177 over two months).

That sounds helpful, until you realize that the “clean energy benefit,” which gives customers a 10-per-cent break on the bill ($19.35 in my case), is also being eliminated. And there’ll be a 90-cents-a-month hike for most homes to subsidize low-income customers. Total impact: I’m paying $13.15 more every two months, and that’s before the cost of electricity goes up again.

New Democrats: Piecemeal policy. There’s very little so far. Leader Andrea Horwath announced Monday that she will “take the HST” off hydro bills “to put money back into the budgets of middle-class families.” Further down in the press release, it’s revealed that actually it’s only the “provincial portion” of the HST that would come off. On my bill, that’s $13.70 in savings over a two-month period.

Conservatives: Shock therapy: The plan is to bring electricity prices down, and therefore keep industrial employers here, by ending those Liberal subsidies for wind and solar costs, cutting the hydro bureaucracy (Hudak says there are 11,000 people making more than $100,000 a year) and buying cheap energy from the United States and Quebec.

This election boils down to a choice: Do you like things the way they are, or do you want big changes?

The Conservatives offer radical change. The Liberals offer their record over the past 11 years. The New Democrats offer tweaks on the Liberal program. And those basic distinctions are true of a lot more issues than just your electricity bill.

ldamato@therecord.com

Wind Power is Not What they Said it Would Be!! It’s useless!

Wind Power: Buying a Dog, but getting Sold a Pup

border-collie-16

How many times have we believed the salesman’s pitch – got home and unwrapped our purchase – only to be disappointed when we discover that we’d spent our hard earned cash on a complete lemon?

Ending up with a frisky and inexperienced pup, when we’ve shelled out for a well-trained dog is always disappointing. Wind power brings with it precisely the same kind of disappointment.

You see, its proponents market it as a perfect substitute for on-demand power generation sources – like nuclear, coal, gas and hydro. However, wind power can’t be called a “substitute” for, well, anything.

The myth that wind farms provide (or are capable of providing) meaningful and consistent power output on-demand – provided there are hundreds of giant fans connected to the same grid and spread over large distances – was totally busted in yesterday’s post.

Now it seems that Scotland’s First Minister, Alex Salmond – trading on precisely the same myth – is dressing up the Scottish wind power “Pup” so he can peddle it as the kind of Collie any Highland herder would be proud to call their own.

Here’s the Scottish Energy News with the latest on Salmond’s wind power hard-sell.

The Difficulty of Making Money from Wind Generated Electricity
Scottish Energy News
Jack W. Ponton (FREng, FIChemE)
12 May 2014

Although he has not recently described Scotland as “the Saudi Arabia of renewables”, First Minister Alex Salmond and other supporters of his wind energy policies are still claiming that it is possible for us to make money selling renewable energy to the rest of the world, as Saudi Arabia does with its oil.

Any comparison with Saudi Arabia is self-evidently silly. That country produces about 10 million barrels of oil per day. In energy terms this means that their energy output is at a rate equivalent to about 25kw per head of population. Meeting the SNP’s target of “100% electricity from renewables” would require an installed wind capacity of about 13.5GW, effectively 3.7GW because of wind variability, equivalent to about 0.7kW per head.

More significant than scale, however, is the fundamental difference between oil or gas and wind generated electricity. To sell something profitably, it must be possible to deliver it to customers when and where they require it.

Once an oil or gas well has started operating, production can be increased or decreased to meet changes in demand. Oil and gas are conveniently transported across continents in pipelines, and supertankers can carry up to half a million tonnes. Oil can be easily stored until required – the US keeps a strategic petroleum reserve of about 700 million barrels.

In contrast, wind generated electricity is only available when the wind is blowing.

It is expensive to transport; the controversial Beauly-Denny link will have a small fraction of the energy carrying capacity of a supertanker – at, incidentally, about four times the price. Electricity is also extremely difficult and expensive to store. The only practical means of storing large quantities is by pumped storage, for which there are four sites in the UK with a combined capacity equivalent to just 18,000 barrels of oil.

It is crucial to understand just who actually makes money from oil and how do they do it. There are two ways in which a country can make money from such a natural resource.

In principle, the most profitable should be to set up its own oil company. This is what Norway has done, giving it a GDP which is the highest for any “real economy” country in Europe.

Alternatively, governments can sell licences to private companies and charge them taxes or royalties on what they extract. This is what the UK has done with North Sea oil.

In terms of electricity, the UK has sold off its state-owned generators and so would have to adopt the licence and tax model to profit from renewable electricity. So has it auctioned licences to build wind farms and charged the companies royalties?

Quite on the contrary – the consumer is paying subsidies to renewable energy operators through Feed in Tariffs and Renewable Obligation Certificates!

It is not at all clear that a country, as opposed to company, can make money out of electricity unless the state owns the electricity company. While a number of countries are successful exporters of electricity, they all have particular characteristics which do not apply to Scotland.

For a start, their electricity is cheap to produce; it is usually hydro, but in the case of France it is nuclear. French nuclear reactors have been much cheaper than those built in the UK and France has the cheapest electricity in Europe.

UK renewable electricity is guaranteed a price at least twice the current wholesale market rate. If overseas customers do not choose to pay this premium, and it’s hard to see why the would, then our electricity exports would in effect have to be subsidised by the taxpayer.

Then their generation tends to be a controllable resource. Hydro is the most flexible form of generation and so can be sold when export demand is high attracting a high price. French nuclear is less flexible, but unlike wind it is controllable. France also has substantial hydro capacity.

Importantly, they also tend to have a choice of customers. Norway sells its cheaply produced hydro to Sweden, Denmark and Germany, France to Germany, Benelux and the UK.

None of these conditions apply to Scotland. Our wind generated surplus will be expensive, uncontrollable, saleable only to England and any profits will go to private companies – mostly owned by German and Spanish shareholders or the French government.

Denmark, with more than 20% of its capacity in wind, has the most expensive electricity in Europe. At times of surplus wind it is sold at the bottom of the market to Germany (whose own wind generation will be peaking as well) Sweden (which has plenty nuclear and hydro capacity of its own) and to Norway. On the other hand when the wind is not blowing and Denmark’s demand is high, they must buy in electricity at a premium price.

Norway is a major electricity exporter, having several times as much hydro capacity as it actually needs. It uses this for energy intensive industries such as aluminium smelting. Norway is happy to obtain nearly free extra power at the Danish taxpayer and consumer’s expense. This also makes a nonsense of the idea that we might build a link to Norway to sell them electricity at a profit.

The other great hope of renewable energy enthusiasts is that Scotland can build an industry to support wind power generation and sell expertise to the rest of the world. Alas, we are about 20 years too late to cash in on onshore wind power. That market is dominated by manufacturers in Germany, Denmark and the US.

The billions which Scotland has “invested” in wind turbines have mostly gone to these countries. What is spent locally is the relatively small proportion of the total cost in low-tech engineering and construction.

But what about the forthcoming boom in “marine energy” where we can hope to be leaders in the field?

Marine energy, in the form of offshore wind turbines, is now almost as well established a technology as onshore wind. And it is dominated by the same countries and companies as onshore. All the existing offshore wind is in a relatively benign environment like the southern North Sea. There is no particular difficulty in putting turbines in such locations (though there appear to be problems in maintenance) and there are plenty of suitable sites available, such as the Baltic and the Mediterranean.

It would be quite another matter to put turbines in a more demanding environment such as exists off most coasts of Scotland. In fact, no one has yet done this. Indeed, two companies, SSE and Olsen have recently pulled out of major offshore projects.

But even if we do manage to build a major wind power facility in deep and stormy waters, who else is going to want to do the same when there are less difficult sites?

The SNP’s regular boast that Scotland has so much of Europe’s marine energy potential is double edged – it also means that Scotland is itself most of the market for the relevant technology, and in the case of the most challenging and expensive, perhaps the only market.

Professor Jack Ponton is a member of the Scientific Alliance Scotland.
Scottish Energy News

Electricity is one commodity where its consumption is instantaneous, such that any serious contender looking to supply it simply has to guarantee households and businesses that it will be available “on-demand”. And that’s something that wind power cannot and will never be able to do.

To peddle it as anything but a “power-generation-pup” is to simply take power punters for a ride.

pup

 

Companies Leaving Ontario Because of Ever-rising Costs for Doing Business!

Magna says no new plants for Canada, cites Ontario energy costs
Ontario energy, pension costs a concern, the company says.

Magna CEO Don Walker speaks at the company’s annual general meeting in Toronto on Thursday.
CHRIS YOUNG/THE CANADIAN PRESS

Magna CEO Don Walker speaks at the company’s annual general meeting in Toronto on Thursday.

By: Dana Flavelle Economy, Business Reporter, Published on Thu May 08 2014
Magna International Inc. says it has no plans to open any new plants in Canada despite a lower dollar, chief executive officer Don Walker says.
The nearly 10 per cent decline in the Canadian dollar relative to the U.S. greenback has helped make the Aurora-based global auto parts supplier more cost competitive, Walker told the company’s annual general meeting Thursday.
But the company said it’s concerned about Ontario’s industrial electricity rates and proposed pension plan, along with the future of its auto assembly plants.
“I’m worried about electricity prices in Ontario, where all of our plants are located,” Walker told a press conference after the meeting at The Westin Prince Hotel in Toronto. Magna operates 46 auto plants in Canada, all in Ontario where the major auto makers’ assembly plants are located.
Walker said he hoped whoever wins the Ontario election on June 12 takes action to reduce energy costs for the corporate sector.
Magna is also concerned about the proposed new Ontario Pension Plan, a key plank in Liberal Premier Kathleen Wynne’s election platform. The plan aims to close a shortfall in Canadians’ retirement savings.
But Magna said the plan would add $1,900 a year per employee to the company’s costs.
“That’s a pretty significant cost to us,” chief financial officer Vincent Galifi said, noting the company has 19,000 employees in the province.
Walker also said the Canadian and Ontario governments need to invest in auto assembly plants if they want to create and keep auto industry jobs.
“If the assembly plants all go it’ll be a lot more difficult (for Magna) to remain in Canada,” he said.
Earlier this year, Chrysler backed out of talks with the federal and Ontario governments about incentives to expand its plants in Windsor and Brampton, saying the plan had become a political football.
Ontario Tory leader Tim Hudak had slammed the governing Liberals for allowing Chrysler to hold provincial taxpayers “ransom,” calling the incentives “corporate welfare.”
Walker, who is also head of the industry-wide Canadian Automotive Partnership Council, said governments need to realize investments in auto plants pay big dividends by creating jobs and increasing tax revenues.
Globally, Magna plans to open 23 new plants, including eight in North America. None would be in Canada.
Despite Magna’s concern, it continues to invest in its Ontario plants, spending up to $150 million per year on capital expenditures, Walker noted.
It also continues to hire and create jobs, he noted.
Last month, Magna announced it would create 75 new jobs with a $1.5 million expansion of a plant in Newmarket, Ont.
Walker’s comments came after the company reported higher first quarter profit and sales and raised its guidance for the rest of the year.
For the first three months of the year, the company said it earned $393 million, or $1.76 per share, up from $369 million, or $1.57 per share, a year earlier. The company reports in U.S. dollars.
Analysts on average expected earnings per share of $2.05, according to estimates compiled by Thomson Reuters.
The company had sales of $8.96 billion in the quarter, compared with $8.3 billion in the same quarter of last year.
Looking ahead to the year, the company said it expects sales of between $34.9 billion and $36.6 billion around the world, up from $34.8 billion in 2013.
Operating margins will be in the mid to high 6 per cent range, versus 6.3 per cent a year earlier. And capital spending will be $1.4 billion, versus $1.2 billion a year ago, the company said.
The increase came as Magna raised its outlook for the auto industry in North America and Europe.
It now expects North American auto makers to produce about 16.8 million vehicles, while Europe is expected to produce about 19.5 million. That compared with earlier expectations for 16.7 million and 19.3 million respectively.
“In the first quarter of 2014, our North American, European, and Asian production sales, as well as tooling, engineering and other sales and complete vehicle assembly sales all increased, while our rest of world production sales declined, each relative to the comparable quarter in 2013,” the company said in a news release.
The company’s Magna Closures unit is expanding its Dortec manufacturing plant to produce electronic control modules for power closure and roof systems.
The plant is also expected to produce a new electronic side-door latch that will be lighter and cost less.
The company, which operates in 29 countries and employs 198,000 people, supplies powertrains, cameras, closures and other auto parts. Major customers include General Motors, BMW, Chrysler, Ford and Volkswagen.
With files from Star wire services

Put an End to the Wind Scam, Before it Bankrupts our Province!

Hudak will end wind, solar fiasco

 

 

It’s amazing only one leader in the Ontario election campaign — the Progressive Conservative’s Tim Hudak — has promised to end the subsidization of inefficient, unreliable and expensive wind and solar power.

This is an obvious way to save taxpayers and hydro ratepayers billions of dollars in future costs.

Premier Kathleen Wynne can’t make that promise because to do so would be to admit the Liberals’ naive infatuation with green energy has been a financial disaster, as the non-partisan Auditor General of Ontario concluded in 2011.

The auditor general said the Liberals blundered into green energy with no business plan and no economic research, ignoring the advice of their own experts and costing taxpayers and electricity consumers billions of added dollars on their hydro bills for decades to come.

The auditor general not only found Liberal claims their Green Energy Act would create 50,000 jobs between 2009 and 2012 were nonsense, but that experience around the world has shown so-called green energy destroys more jobs than it creates because it inevitably leads to higher electricity prices.

As for NDP leader Andrea Horwath — who says she’ll rescind in 2016 the Liberals’ 2010 decision to add the 8% provincial sales tax to hydro bills — she propped up the Liberals as they were signing more and more wind and solar deals, literally throwing more and more public money down a black hole.

Incredibly, Wynne is promising to keep doing this if she’s elected, which is utter madness.

Hudak is the only leader of the three major parties telling the truth, noting he can’t break existing contracts the Liberals have already signed with wind and solar energy developers.

But he can stop throwing good money after bad.

Hudak is also promising to return local autonomy to municipalities so they can decide if they want wind turbines and solar panels in their communities, instead of having them rammed down their throats by the Liberals through their dictatorial Green Energy Act.

As for Liberals’ claim they replaced coal power with wind, it’s utter nonsense.

The Liberals replaced coal with nuclear power and natural gas.

Wind and solar are just another multi-billion-dollar Liberal boondoggle, to go along with their eHealth, Ornge and cancelled gas plants scandals and financial disasters.

Some News from Across the Pond, as they Dismantle their Wind Scam!!

First British Shale Gas    

‘Could Fuel Homes Next Year’ 

Britain Pulls Plug On Solar Farm Subsidies 

Shale gas could be fuelling British homes for the first time by late 2015, under plans from fracking firm Cuadrilla. The company is preparing to submit planning applications by the end of this month to frack at two sites in Lancashire next year. Francis Egan, Cuadrilla chief executive, said that, if successful, it planned to connect the test fracking sites up to the gas grid, in what would be a milestone first for the fledgling British shale gas industry. –Emily Gosden, The Daily Telegraph, 12 May 2014

Subsidies that have driven the spread of large solar farms across Britain are to be scrapped under plans to stop the panels blighting the countryside. Energy companies that build solar farms currently qualify for generous consumer-funded subsidies through the so-called ‘Renewable Obligation’ (RO) scheme, and had expected to keep doing so until 2017. But the Department of Energy and Climate Change announced on Tuesdaythat it planned to shut the RO to new large solar farms two years early, from April next year. –Emily Gosden, The Daily Telegraph, 13 May 2014Lord Lawson hailed George Osborne as an ally in his fight to change the government’s energy policy. –Francis Elliott, The Times, 13 May 2014

Last week the House of Lords’ Economic Affairs committee revealed that appalling confusion and complexity is deterring vital investment in Britain’s energy industry. Today Lord Lawson of Blaby, who sits on that committee, tells The Times the coalition is not merely misguided on energy but “doesn’t have an energy policy” at all. His remarks will irritate ministers, as well-aimed criticism often does… What Britain lacks is politicians with the courage and vision to embrace it. –Editorial, The Times, 13 May 2014

For years now, this and previous governments have postponed the tough decisions needed to secure Britain’s energy supply for the future and make it affordable for business as well as domestic customers. What passes for a coalition energy policy is in fact a tangle of regulations, subsidies and incentives that is delaying investment, driving up prices over the long term and making blackouts a real possibility by as soon as next year. Britain’s lack of a coherent energy strategy is an emergency that will not go away just because of a short-term outlook of warm weather and long summer evenings. It is, as Dieter Helm, of Oxford University, told the Lords’ committee, a “very slow-motion car crash” that is already happening. –Editorial, The Times, 13 May 2014

They were crazy dreamers who dared to believe that oil and gas could be produced from beneath England’s rolling green hills. No one imagined that oil and gas could be fracked from almost impermeable shales buried thousands of feet below the surface. But Britain’s small onshore energy companies are now in the midst of a mini boom as they seek to capitalise on the new-found interest from investors to consolidate their holdings and raise external finance. Sceptics might suggest Britain’s shale gas companies are on the cusp of a bubble, with more investment being made before anyone is certain that the shale formations will yield commercially meaningful amounts of gas and oil. But bubble-type enthusiasm is essential to the success of any new technology. John Kemp, Reuters, 12 May 2014

In the wake of the American shale gas boom and the resulting cheaper power, U.S. manufacturers have been moving their work back home from overseas, and now foreign manufacturers, especially from Europe, are moving their facilities to the U.S. While prices in the U.S. power market have fallen due to cheap natural gas, prices in Europe’s power market are much higher, lifted by subsidies for renewable wind and solar power projects. While a decade ago, American manufacturing jobs were flowing to China, this year, more than 50 percent of $1 billion-plus U.S. companies with operations in China are considering moving all or part of their production back home, according to Boston Consulting Group. –Meagan Clark, International Business Times, 10 May 2014

1) First British Shale Gas ‘Could Fuel Homes Next Year’ – The Daily Telegraph, 12 May 2014

2) Britain Pulls Plug On Solar Farm Subsidies – The Daily Telegraph, 13 May 2014

3) Times Leader: Wanted: An Energy Policy – The Times, 13 May 2014

4) Britain’s Shale Flurry: A Game Of Skill And Chance – Reuters, 12 May 2014

5) Shale Boom Attracting Manufacturing to The US From Overseas To Take Advantage Of Cheaper Fuel & Feedstock – International Business Times, 10 May 2014

1) First British Shale Gas ‘Could Fuel Homes Next Year’
The Daily Telegraph, 12 May 2014

Emily Gosden

Shale gas could be fuelling British homes for the first time by late 2015, under plans from fracking firm Cuadrilla.

The company is preparing to submit planning applications by the end of this month to frack at two sites in Lancashire next year.

Francis Egan, Cuadrilla chief executive, said that, if successful, it planned to connect the test fracking sites up to the gas grid, in what would be a milestone first for the fledgling British shale gas industry.

He also suggested homeowners hostile to fracking beneath their land should be entitled to only minimal compensation, if any.

Cuadrilla hopes to gain planning permission for its two sites, near the villages of Roseacre and Little Plumpton, in time to start drilling at the end of this year. They could then be fracked next summer “in a best case scenario”.

“After the initial flow test period, which is up to 90 days, if the flow rates look good then we would want to tie the well into the gas transmission system and flow it for a longer period to assess the flow rate over 18 to 24 months,” Mr Egan said.
The first shale gas could be flowing into the grid by the end of next year. Although quantities of gas from the exploratory sites would be relatively small, the step would be a symbolic first for the industry in Britain.

Just one shale gas well has been partially fracked in the UK to date, by Cuadrilla in 2011, with work halted when it caused earthquakes.

Cuadrilla, however, faces a number of hurdles if it is to proceed as planned at its new sites. As well as planning permission it must obtain numerous permits from the Environment Agency.

Industry sources fear any permission to frack may face judicial review challenge from environmental campaigners.

Cuadrilla could also find its optimal drilling routes blocked by hostile homeowners. The company intends to drill down vertically at each of its sites then out horizontally west for up to two kilometres.

It has signed agreements with farmers at each site allowing it to drill under their land – meaning at least some drilling will be possible – but not with all homeowners above the potential underground drilling area.

“If we were unable to get permission from householders we would have a smaller area, but we could still drill,” Mr Egan said.

Under current trespass law Cuadrilla would have to take hostile landowners to court to gain the right to drill beneath them, but the government is planning give companies an automatic right to drill.

Asked whether compensation should be paid to landowners, Mr Egan said: “I don’t think there’s any disturbance. If someone flies two miles above your house, do you get compensation?”
Full story

2) Britain Pulls Plug On Solar Farm Subsidies 
The Daily Telegraph, 13 May 2014

Emily Gosden

Green energy subsidy scheme will be shut to large solar farms as ministers attempt to curb blight to countryside

SolarFarm
A solar farm near Diptford in the South Hams, Devon
DECC admits that the spread of solar farms has been “much stronger than anticipated in government modelling” and some have been sited “insensitively”. Photo: ALAMYSubsidies that have driven the spread of large solar farms across Britain are to be scrapped under plans to stop the panels blighting the countryside.

Energy companies that build solar farms currently qualify for generous consumer-funded subsidies through the so-called ‘Renewable Obligation’ (RO) scheme, and had expected to keep doing so until 2017.

But the Department of Energy and Climate Change announced on Tuesday that it planned to shut the RO to new large solar farms two years early, from April next year.

The decision follows an admission by ministers that far more projects have been built than expected, leading to an rising subsidy bill for consumers and increasing local opposition.

Greg Barker, the energy minister, pledged last month that solar farms must not become “the new onshore wind” and said he wanted solar panels installed on factory rooftops instead.

Although a separate, new subsidy scheme will be made available to large solar farms, it is expected to be far more difficult for solar farms to gain funding under the new regime.

Full story

3) Times Leader: Wanted: An Energy Policy
The Times, 13 May 2014

Muddled thinking on renewable energy and national priorities has left Britain with no clear strategy for powering growth and keeping the lights on

Last week the House of Lords’ Economic Affairs committee revealed that appalling confusion and complexity is deterring vital investment in Britain’s energy industry. Today Lord Lawson of Blaby, who sits on that committee, tells The Times the coalition is not merely misguided on energy but “doesn’t have an energy policy” at all.His remarks will irritate ministers, as well-aimed criticism often does. For years now, this and previous governments have postponed the tough decisions needed to secure Britain’s energy supply for the future and make it affordable for business as well as domestic customers.

What passes for a coalition energy policy is in fact a tangle of regulations, subsidies and incentives that is delaying investment, driving up prices over the long term and making blackouts a real possibility by as soon as next year. Britain’s lack of a coherent energy strategy is an emergency that will not go away just because of a short-term outlook of warm weather and long summer evenings. It is, as Dieter Helm, of Oxford University, told the Lords’ committee, a “very slow-motion car crash” that is already happening.

Like Heathrow airport, Britain’s power generation system is operating at close to capacity. The country has a capacity margin of just 2 per cent. Ofgem warns this could shrink to zero by the winter of 2015-16 if predicted gains in the efficiency of power usage are not realised.

With zero margin for error, power cuts are virtually inevitable. Britons are in fact becoming more efficient in their use of energy. Overall consumption has fallen slightly since the 1970s and markedly since 2005. A crisis looms despite this trend because of steadily declining North Sea output and the planned obsolescence of ageing power stations.

Estimates from Ofgem and elsewhere suggest that the UK needs between £100 billion and £200 billion in investment in new generating capacity and “smart grid” technology by 2030 to keep the lights on and minimise dependence on unreliable energy suppliers, such as Russia.

This investment has ground to a halt. Work has begun on just one new gas-fired power station in the past 18 months. British and foreign investors are deciding not to risk capital in what should be one of the world’s safest energy markets partly because of uncertainty caused by Labour’s pledge to freeze retail prices should it win the general election next year. The coalition is to blame, too. It has sown confusion with its varying commitment to expensive renewables subsidies, which have a direct effect on household bills but also on industry’s appetite for investment in new gas-powered generating capacity. It has given the competition and markets authority far too long (two years) to report on the pricing strategies of the big six domestic energy suppliers. Above all, it has failed to recognise the potential of shale gas.

America’s shale gas revolution has delivered gas prices two thirds cheaper than those paid by British consumers. British shale gas output may never approach America’s, but the Bowland basin with Sheffield at its centre is one of the world’s largest reserves of its type. Even so, not one new fracking application was received by the Environment Agency in the year after the government’s decision to allow the process to proceed. The reasons are clear. A screen of red tape deterring commercial fracking has been created by multiple agencies, chief among them the department for energy and climate change, the health and safety executive and the environment agency.

Scientists are working on energy sources that leave no soot and cool the planet. In the meantime there is gas, the “inescapable” transitional fuel, as Professor Helm has called it. Britain has it in abundance. What it lacks is politicians with the courage and vision to embrace it.

4) Britain’s Shale Flurry: A Game Of Skill And Chance 
Reuters, 12 May 2014

John Kemp

They were crazy dreamers who dared to believe that oil and gas could be produced from beneath England’s rolling green hills.

Small companies such as Alkane, Egdon, Cuadrilla, Dart, Island Gas, Newton and Star bid for and won Petroleum Exploration and Development Licences (PEDLs) in Britain’s 13th onshore licensing round held back in 2008.

Some of these firms were hoping to find small onshore oil and gas fields. Others thought money could be made from capturing the fugitive methane emissions from abandoned coal mines or by drilling into unworked coal seams and capturing methane directly from the source.

No one imagined that oil and gas could be fracked from almost impermeable shales buried thousands of feet below the surface.

But Britain’s small onshore energy companies are now in the midst of a mini boom as they seek to capitalise on the new-found interest from investors to consolidate their holdings and raise external finance. […]

A GAME OF SKILL AND CHANCENo shale gas has actually been produced in Britain yet. Only one well has been hydraulically fractured, at Preese Hall in Lancashire, and that triggered a series of small earthquakes in April and May 2011, leading to a moratorium on future fracking treatments that has only recently been lifted.

The political appetite for fracking on a large-scale remains untested, though the idea has received powerful backing from finance minister George Osborne and strong endorsement from a recent report by the House of Lords Committee on Economic Affairs.

“The UK will certainly feel the impact of the shale gas revolution. It has its own shale gas resource. The question is whether the UK is to be a producer or simply an importer,” the committee wrote, urging the government to streamline the permitting process.

Environmental groups remain staunchly opposed, and many communities object to large-scale oil and gas drilling. It remains unclear whether drilling firms will ultimately be able to overcome these obstacles.

Sceptics might suggest Britain’s shale gas companies are on the cusp of a bubble, with more investment being made before anyone is certain that the shale formations will yield commercially meaningful amounts of gas and oil.

But bubble-type enthusiasm is essential to the success of any new technology. The same criticisms could have been levelled at George Mitchell, who pioneered shale drilling in Texas amid much scepticism in the 1990s and early 2000s but is now hailed as a genius and one of the most influential businessmen of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.

“Businessmen play a mixed game of skill and chance,” as John Maynard Keynes observed. “If human nature felt no temptation to take a chance, no satisfaction (profit apart) in constructing a factory, a railway, a mine or a farm, there might not be much investment merely as a result of cold calculation.”

Shale pioneers in the United States, and now in Britain, all have something of the characteristics of the successful entrepreneur, including an obsession with commercial ideas that appear to have long odds.

Ultimately, if shale development proves successful, the small pioneering companies will sell their rights to established operators.

There is no guarantee of success for the industry as a whole or in individual licence areas. But if shale is eventually produced in large quantities and draws in more majors like Total, some of these early licence holders could become very rich indeed.

Full story

5) Shale Boom Attracting Manufacturing to The US From Overseas To Take Advantage Of Cheaper Fuel & Feedstock 
International Business Times, 10 May 2014

Meagan Clark

In the wake of the American shale gas boom and the resulting cheaper power, U.S. manufacturers have been moving their work back home from overseas, and now foreign manufacturers, especially from Europe, are moving their facilities to the U.S.

While prices in the U.S. power market have fallen due to cheap natural gas, prices in Europe’s power market are much higher, lifted by subsidies for renewable wind and solar power projects. European utilities have been decommissioning thousands of gigawatts from turbines in an effort to minimize losses.One of the latest examples of a European company moving its manufacturing to the U.S. is Germany’s Siemens AG, which supplies equipment to companies that extract and ship natural gas, converts the fuel into power, and uses electricity on a large scale for manufacturing.

“Even though we have already missed a few opportunities, especially in unconventional oil-and-gas exploration, we still have excellent market-entry opportunities, especially in North America,” Siemens CEO Joe Kaeser said at a news conference on Wednesday.

On Tuesday, Kaeser named former Royal Dutch Shell PLC strategy head and American Lisa Davis as the new chief of the power business for Siemens. She will work from the U.S, a first for Munich-based Siemens, the Wall Street Journal reported. Siemens competes with Conneticut-based General Electric Co.

Germany’s BASF, the world’s largest chemical company, announced this month it was considering building a $1.4 billion plant in the U.S. to convert natural gas into propylene, used in many petrochemicals.

Austria-based steelmaker Voestalpine AG announced plans last year to invest more than $760 million in a Texas plant, motivated by inexpensive shale gas.

While a decade ago, American manufacturing jobs were flowing to China, this year, more than 50 percent of $1 billion-plus U.S. companies with operations in China are considering moving all or part of their production back home, according to Boston Consulting Group.

Get your money out of Wind & Solar!!

Energy companies–a grim future, Texas company belly up.

This is close to home, a Texas based energy company on the ropes.

 

Thanks to the enviros and their running dogs in the chattering class, energy companies are in a bit of a bind. After all the Bamster promises to make coal-fired energy a museum piece–right? One thing leftist can do is destroy, that’s actually pretty easy.

Many years ago I worked with an engineer who had moved over to work for Texas Utilities in public relations/legislative affairs. We were battling the air pollution fanatics from the EPA and all their allies in the NGO community, along with people like Laura Miller, an ex consumer greenie advocate who was Mayor of Dallas and put together a coalition of enviros to stop coal energy development. TXU at one point was going to put up 10 coal fired plants and Miller and her hysterical friends were opposed. So along comes KKR, big NY investment outfit and they guy TXU.

I stopped having anyone to work with, cause they caved and scrapped the 10 plants plan. Now they have maneuvered themselves into bankruptcy, a big bust.

You might say that I have spent a lot of time on a losing cause–because the army arrayed on the other side is flush with the 20 billion a year that goes to the lefty green movement.

Here’s a story by Tucker on the death of Energy Futures, a company that came out of the buy out many years ago of Texas Utilities and the decision by the investment firm to try to make Texas Utilities a green friendly company. Nice going boys.