Agenda 21 principles built on Junk Science, and Socialism!


Interest In Bioenergy On the Rise

Robert Bryce – Senior Manhattan Institute Fellow – gave a vibrant talk yesterday in New York City at a gathering called to launch his latest book “Smaller Faster Lighter Denser Cheaper,” which he describes as a “rebuke to the catastrophists.”

The premise is that technology and innovation are helping people live healthier, longer, more fulfilled lives than at any other point in history. Bryce started his talk with statistics about the computing power of smart phones – which surpass that used in early moon missions – nanotechnology, aviation advancements and state-of-the-art internal combustion engine design. Despite all the bad news carried by mainstream media concerning disease, famine and hardship, people are better off today than ever before, says Bryce.

“The catastrophists want degrowth,” Bryce said, as he rattled off quotes from famous activists whose message is that a return to a pastoral existence is the way forward. Societies around the world powered their needs by burning wood for centuries, but most people would probably be against returning to that system today. He describes this view as “slouching toward dystopia.”

Climate activist Bill McKibben is famous for saying “do the math” when it comes to climate change and fossil fuel consumption. Bruce riffs on this theme in the book, turning the phrase around to show that renewable energy alone is not sufficient to meet the world’s incremental energy consumption requirements – let alone existing consumption levels.

“We’re not going to save climate change with solar panels on Walmart roofs in California,” Bryce said.

He is not anti-renewable energy, but does not believe wind and solar alone can power the global economic growth engine and Bryce uses loads of statistics to back up his view. “We need [energy] density, density is green. A smaller environmental footprint is the ideal,” he said.

Responding to a question about nuclear power, Bryce joked that “if you are anti-carbon and anti-nuclear, then you are pro darkness.” Overall, his message is positive and certainly entertaining, so stay tuned for a book review once we’ve had a chance to read it.

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Liberals are Throwing Away our Children’s (and Grandchildren’s), Future!

Warning: Reading about How the Ontario Liberals Keep on Winning Might Make You Sick

Enough is enough.

You would think the sheer waste of taxpayer dollars through scandals and mismanagement would be enough to hang the Liberals.

Especially since, at the same time your money swirls down the toilet, the Liberals continue to run deficits (seven in a row) andIllustration: Truth and Lie pile up debt that your grandchildren’s children will still be paying off.

Yet in spite of their mistakes and outright lies (the hit parade includes: the billion-dollar gas plant cancellation and the failure to provide proper oversight of Ornge air ambulance expenses and out-of-control spending at the Ontario Lottery and Gaming Corporation and elsewhere) they’ve managed to hold onto power for 11 years. How is that?

I’ll give you three reasons. (Hold on, it’s a long explanation.)

1. They buy votes with big spending promises.

George Bernard Shaw got it right. “A government that robs Peter to pay Paul can always depend on the support of Paul.”

When even the tax-the-rich NDP recognize that Ontarians are taxed to the hilt and refuse to put up with any “new taxes, tolls or fees that hit middle-class families,” you know Ontario must be in financial trouble.

Net debt is projected to climb to $269.2 billion for 2013–14 and hit $324.5 billion by 2017–18 (nearly 40% of Ontario’s economy). In fact, Ontario’s debt has more than doubled since the Ontario Liberals came to power in 2003–04 when the provincial debt stood at $138.8 billion (or 27.5% of the economy).

Interest payments are the third largest expense in the budget. And right now interest rates are low. When rates go back up, each point will add another $3 billion to our annual interest payment, points out economist Jack Mintz.

But in spite of repeated warnings about the need for spending cuts, from former Liberal finance minister Dwight Duncan (who conveniently woke up to the Ontario’s debt problem in his last few months in office) and public servants in Ontario’s finance ministry, what did the Liberals propose in the budget that forced an election?

Big spending promises, of course. Billions for schools and hospitals, roads and bridges, billions more for corporate grants, and millions for a smorgasbord of social services.

With this budget, the Liberals are in fact driving toward a deficit $2.4 billion higher(or 24% more) than they previously projected—in spite of hiking taxes by almost $1 billion. The deficits planned for 2015–16 and 2016–17 also increased by $1.7 billion and $1.8 billion.

In other words, the Liberals forecast spending to jump by $3.4 billion this year, $900 million more than projected in the 2013 budget, with program spending expected to climb by nearly $3 billion to $119.4 billion.

With Ontario already in a fiscal mess, the NDP (yes, the NDP, a party not known for financial responsibility), criticized the budget as “a mad dash to escape the scandals by promising the moon and the stars.”

2. They pander to unions, whose members make up a big chunk of the electorate.  

The real beneficiary of the tax-and-spend Liberals has been the unions.

For starters, over half of Ontario’s program spending goes to pay public-sector workers their salaries and pension benefits.

What’s more, when the Liberals came into power in 2003, only 14,926 public-sector employees were making $100,000 or more. Today, 97,796 Ontario public-sector workers are on the so-called Sunshine List, an increase of 655% in just 10 years.

But, really, who can be surprised when about 70 percent of public-sector employees are unionized (compare this to the roughly 15 percent unionization rate in the private sector)?

The fact is the Liberals have pandered to unions, especially teacher’s unions, handing out massive, unaffordable pay hikes.

From 2003 to 2011, the McGuinty Liberals increased education spending by 45%, hiring 14,000 more teachers (up 10%) and increasing salaries by 24%—all while student enrollment actually dropped by 6%.

And teachers repaid the favour, “volunteering and voting for McGuinty’s Liberals in huge numbers during the past three elections.”

But following a narrow election win in 2011 (voters were angry over broken promises and higher taxes), McGuinty shifted direction, proposing to freeze teacher wages for two years and curb benefits to reduce the government’s alarming $14.4 billion deficit.

The teachers reacted with predictable outrage.

So despite all their talk about austerity, the Liberals just couldn’t say “no” to their vote-rich cash cow.

While the McGuinty government was calling for wage freezes publicly, it secretly negotiated a three percent wage increase with the Ontario Public Service Employees Union, which represents 35,000 voters, er, government workers.

And forget about Kathleen Wynne taking a firm stance on public-sector wages and benefits.

In a clear bid to win back union support, one of her first moves as premier was to negotiate an LCBO contract that gave 7,000 unionized workers a $1,600 signing bonus over two years—about $9 million— and wage increases of two% in 2015–16.

Her education minister also renegotiated new contracts with the province’s two biggest teachers unions, the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation and the Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario, offering better maternity benefits, fewer unpaid days off, and an improved “sick-day bank.”

And the quid pro quo?

Millions of dollars spent on attack ads directed exclusively against Tory leaders in Ontario’s 2003, 2007, and 2011 elections—by a powerful coalition of special interest unions that includes the Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association, the Canadian Auto Workers, and the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation and calling itself the Working Families Coalition.

The so-called Working Families coalition first “came together in 2003 to discredit then Tory premier Ernie Eves and get Dalton McGuinty elected.” Their ad campaigns had such a big impact on the election results, they followed up with more of the same in the 2007 and 2011 elections. For this campaign, they’re just getting started, but expect a barrage of attack ads aimed squarely at Tim Hudak.

The coalition’s negative ads effectively doubles the advertising budget of the Liberals at the expense of the Tories through loose election laws around third-party advertising. Unlike political parties, third parties “can spend as much as they want, take contributions as large as they want and keep their financial backers hidden until long after the campaign is over.”

In Ontario’s 2011 general election, Working Families spent $1.6 million to help the Liberals.

Other big spenders included the Elementary Teachers’ Federation—$2.6 million—and the English Catholic Teachers’ Association, which spent $1.9 million to help defeat the PC party. For comparison’s sake, out of 21 registered political parties, only two spent more than $2 million on advertising. The Elementary Teachers’ Federation, the biggest third-party advertiser, spent more on advertising than nineteen political parties combined.

Spending records for the 2007 election (the first year third parties had to register with Elections Ontario) show a similar story. A shocking “90 per cent of the $2.3 million raised by third-party advertisers for the 2007 campaign went to organized labour or groups opposed to specific Tory policy positions.”

Plainly, Ontario’s election laws are giving Liberals with their deep-pocketed union allies an unfair advantage.

3. They reward party insiders with lucrative contracts.

In Ontario, it’s not what you know, but who you know.

From eHealth Ontario and Cancer Care Ontario to the Local Health Integration Networks, the Liberals have a history of rewarding party loyalists with “cushy, untendered contracts” and well-paid appointments.

In 2004, Mike Crawley, the then-president of the Ontario Liberals, was awarded awind power contract that guarantees his company AIM PowerGen $66,000 a day for 20 years. That’s a total of $475 million dollars.

In 2010, nearly two-thirds of the $68 million of taxpayers’ money spent on the 14 LHINs went to cover the salaries and remuneration of government-appointed board members.

Pat Dillon, the business manager of the Provincial Building and Construction Trades Council and the head of the infamous Working Families Coalition, has received a number of appointments—to Premier Wynne’s Transit Panel, the Ontario College of Trades, the WSIB Board, Infrastructure Ontario, and more.

The Globe and Mail recently reported that Ontario Liberal friends and allies were awarded millions of dollars in taxpayer-funded contracts because of loopholes in the rules surrounding government expenditures. The report goes on to say that, “while there is no indication that any of the transactions were illegitimate, the lack of transparency makes it difficult to determine what services were provided at taxpayers’ expense.”

The sad truth? It pays to be a friend of the Liberals. Ontario taxpayer, not so much.

The Ontario Liberals are long past their best-before date

After 11 years, it’s time to hold the Liberals to account.

Imagine if some pimply-faced thug robbed a gas station and got caught, he’d get what? A thousand dollars tops and some jail time.

But the Liberals who have “stolen” billions of taxpayer money through incompetence and cronyism remain unpunished.

It’s time to throw the Liberals out. They’ve inflicted enough damage on the province. It’s time they answered for their crimes against taxpayers.

 

The “Gang-green” has to be removed, in order for the host to survive!

UK’s “Green” Wind Power Policy Turns to “Gangrene”

Bandaged-Foot

Britain’s energy policy is clearly “other worldly” (see our post here) and/or the product of a “finer” kind of thinking (see our post here).

When it comes to giant fans, the Brits’ political betters are yet to work out that they’ve been stung by the greatest economic and environmental fraud of all time.

One Brit who cottoned on early to scale of the rort was James Delingpole – here he is at his acerbic best.

Vote Blue, Go Green, Turn Septic: 30,000 Reasons Why The Conservatives Deserve To Lose The Rural Vote
Breitbart.com
James Delingpole
20 May 2014

“Vote Blue, Go Green”. It seemed like such a handy slogan when the Conservatives first introduced it in 2006. Not only would it “detoxify the brand” and wrong-foot the opposition, but it would also remind people of the party’s natural bond with the country and the environment: not just Conservatives but conservators….

Well that was the idea, anyway. And I do hope whoever thought of it has now retired to his study with a bottle of whisky and his service pistol because he bloody well should: this ill-advised adventure into enviro-loon idiocy has been the kiss of death for the Conservatives in their natural constituency the rural shires.

Here is one reason why.

The number of onshore wind turbines in Britain has reached 30,000 after increasing by 13 per cent last year, according to research. The disclosure has prompted suggestions that the wind industry is encroaching upon the countryside by stealth. The figure dwarfs the total that is commonly quoted by the industry, which currently stands at 4,399. The discrepancy is because the lower figure does not include the vast numbers of small and mid-sized turbines that have the capacity to produce less than 100kW of electricity each. The smaller turbines range from “micro” roof-top turbines to those that can reach over 100 feet tall and have been installed by thousands of farmers and landowners across the UK. (H/T to the Renewable Energy Foundation for spotting this).

Now every one of those wind turbines tells a story – one with which, as a country dweller myself, I am painfully familiar. It goes like this:

1. Greedy landowner wants to make a bit of extra money for doing bugger all. Decides to put a wind turbine on his land. It will ruin the view for miles around and upset all his neighbours. But where else can you earn around £30,000 a year (per turbine), index linked, just for sitting on your arse?

2. Sure enough, everyone in the neighbourhood objects to this potential eyesore. Resistance is disorganised at first, but little by little a campaign movement (such as this one which urgently needs your support: to stop a turbine being built where Prince Rupert’s forces slept the night before the Battle of Naseby) is established, which costs all involved an eye-watering amount of time, money and commitment. Still, these efforts are rewarded for, after much lobbying, the local council’s elected members – defying their in-house planning department – vote against the planning application.

3. The landowner appeals, as is his right under planning law. He also makes another application to the council, knowing that it will gain the full support of the planning department which, besides being ideologically in favour of renewable energy, is also following the government’s official policy. Meanwhile, the local campaign becomes more fraught, time-consuming and costly than ever – especially now that an expensive lawyer has had to be hired to fight the appeal.

4. The appeal is decided not by a local who understands the area’s needs, but by someone from the Planning Inspectorate which – again following the government’s official policy – is biased towards allowing renewable energy projects unless there are very strong reasons against. Likely at this point, the greedy landowner will win the appeal and all the community campaign’s time, effort and money will have been wasted. If somehow the community is lucky enough to win the appeal, the landowner will simply go through the whole process again, hoping to win the appeal on the next application he has made. Most likely he will win for planning law on wind farms is stacked very much in favour of the developers.

5. So the wind turbine finally goes up, despoiling the view for miles around, knocking around 15 per cent off the value of nearby properties, keeping people awake some nights with its intermittent, low-frequency noise, and making the landowner his cool £30,000 a year (most of it derived not from the value of the actual power he generates but from green levies added to everyone’s energy bills).

And which government bears the responsibility for these disastrous rifts within the rural community and for the ruination of the British landscape? Why the one led by Conservative David Cameron, which promised to be the “greenest government ever”, of course.

Which isn’t to say that some Conservatives haven’t performed well on a local level. Star of the anti-wind campaign has been my own MP Chris Heaton-Harris, who has schemed long and hard to make his party see sense on their renewables policy. Another hero is Montgomeryshire MP Glyn Davis who is fighting to stop the turbines and pylons currently scheduled to wipe out mid-Wales and the matchlessly beautiful Shropshire border country. In the Cabinet there’s the great Owen Paterson and also Communities Secretary Eric Pickles, currently on a mission to veto as many new onshore wind projects as possible at the planning stage.

But with 30,000 bat-chomping, bird-slicing eco-crucifixes already littering the countryside, it’s surely a case of too little too late. Cameron – a countryman who really should know better – had his chance on becoming Conservative leader to dissociate his party from Labour’s disastrous green energy policies but instead chose, either from ignorance or cynicism, to not just to embrace them but to double down on them.

If future generations wish to stop and contemplate David Cameron’s legacy there are plenty of places dotted all over the country where they can do so. Just above the Warwickshire village of Priors Marston, for example, there’s a magnificent view down over the fields of yellow rape into the most gorgeous Midlands countryside. And bang in the middle of this view, so perfectly central and dominant it might be an out-take from a Wes Anderson movie – is a single wind turbine. It didn’t need to be there. It shouldn’t be there.

Thanks to Cameron’s “greenest government ever” it’s stuck there for at least the next twenty-five years, ruining the view, slicing and dicing wildlife, driving up energy bills, making one landowner richer and everyone else in the neighbourhood poorer. Rural communities are much closer-knit than urban ones. They don’t forget slights like this.
Breitbart.com

james-delingpole_3334

 

More Bad News for Renewable Energy’s “Solar Power!”

Via.GREENIE WATCH.

May 22, 2014

Solar panels ‘are time bombs’

THE Coalition has likened the spate of house fires caused by allegedly faulty rooftop circuit-breakers to the pink batts fiasco, claiming Labor ignored warnings that subsidies for solar power would create a similar honey pot for dodgy operators.

As revealed by The Australian, Advancetech, the Queensland company that imported and sold 27,000 solar power DC isolators, went into receivership last Friday, leaving tens of thousands of homeowners to replace them in their rooftop arrays or risk a ­conflagration.

The Queensland and NSW governments have issued recall notices for the Avanco isolators after 70 of them burnt out, in some cases causing minor house fires.

Also recalled is a PVPower branded isolator imported and sold by Swiss electrotechnical products supplier DKSH, though that began in March at the instigation of the company.

Describing solar panels as “ticking time bombs”, Nationals senator Ron Boswell said there would be “possibly thousands” of other dangerous breakdowns.

The Queensland senator said the Labor government’s subsidy to encourage home owners to install solar panels, the Small-scale Renewable Energy Certificates scheme, led to an overheated market in which shoddy operators and cheap imports thrived.

“The flaws and waste associated with this scheme have been largely under the radar because of the scale of the personal tragedies associated with the pink batts fiasco, but as an exercise in silliness, waste, and maladministration, the solar scheme has been its absolute equal,” Senator Boswell said.

“It has a long way to go before it plays out, as systems installed age.

“Fire-prone isolators in rooftop solar arrays in Queensland and NSW are just the sort of problem Labor was warned about, and ignored, as it ramped up demand for its solar program in 2010.”

He quoted several experts who had given evidence to a Senate committee on the topic that year, including the chief executive of environmental credits trader Greenbank Environmental, Fiona O’Hehir, who said the subsidy gave rise to possible dodgy and dangerous installations.

“You would actually have DC generation on your roof, which can be as high as 120V DC. A flood of cheap imports into Australia could mean that we have significant risk,” she said at the time.

“If it continues at this rate, we will soon end up with a situation along the lines of the insulation program, which would be a disaster for the renewable energy industry.’’

The SREC scheme is still in place, though at a much reduced rate of subsidy, and is under review pending the outcome of the inquiry into renewable energy by businessman Dick Warburton.

SOURCE: http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/solar-panels-are-time-bombs/story-fn59niix-1226926234717#

Aussies Set to Scrap Renewable Energy Targets!

Australia’s Miners say: “Tony, it’s Time for

the Great Big Toxic REC Tax to GO”

keith-de-lacy

As the RET Review Panel get ready to help axe the mandatory Renewable Energy Target, Australia’s miners have united to brand the RET a guaranteed “job killer” and just “plain crazy”. The miners quite rightly identify the Renewable Energy Certificates (RECs) issued under that policy as an enormous and unnecessary cost burden to households and business.

In truth, RECs are simply a Federal Tax on all Australian electricity consumers, because the entire value of the REC is added directly to power bills and (under the large-scale scheme) is all directed to wind power generators, as a government mandated subsidy.

Currently, around 12% of Australia’s electricity comes from renewable generation sources (with almost half of that coming from hydro power, the great bulk of which pre-dates the RET legislation). Annual demand is around 190,000 GWh, so 12% of that (the “contribution” from renewables) represents 22,800 GWh.

The wind industry and its parasites argue that the REC Tax/Subsidy will lead to “investment” in renewable energy (ie wind power) capacity sufficient to satisfy the current 41,000 GWh mandated annual target. However, satisfying that target by 2020 is economically and practically impossible: a matter which Australia’s biggest generators and retailers all agree upon (see our post here).

To meet that target would require an increase in total installed wind power capacity of around 24,000 MW – from the present capacity of 3,000 MW – to more than 27,000 MW (at a cost of more than $50 billion); and a duplicated transmission network to carry it (at a cost of more than $30 billion) (see our post here).

In addition, financing that “investment” would depend upon the REC price reaching $90 to make all of these new projects commercially viable. Currently, the REC price is $26 and falling – which is way below what is required to even cover wind farm operating costs; and nowhere near enough to cover construction costs. This is the main reason that banks are simply refusing to lend to wind power companies.

With less than 23,000 GWh coming from renewable sources at present – and no likelihood of any significant wind power capacity being added between now and 2020 – Australia will simply fall short of the fixed target by a figure in the order of 18,000 GWh.

Now, at this point, power consumers might breathe a sigh of relief thinking they’ve avoided being slugged with the REC Tax – which would have otherwise been added to their power bills – if all those extra wind farms had been built and were producing the additional 18,000 GWh needed to satisfy the fixed target. Oh, but if it were that simple.

For every MW that a retailer falls short of the mandated target it gets whacked with a $65 fine – what is referred to under the Renewable Energy (Electricity) Act 2000 as the “shortfall charge” – follow the links hereand here.

The big retailers, Origin Energy and Energy Australia have already said that – rather than messing around with intermittent and unreliable wind power – they will simply cop the $65 fine and pass that entire cost on to their retail customers (see our posts here and here).

This means that – instead of just paying the average wholesale price of $35-40 MWh – retailers will end up paying close to $100-105 per MWh – the wholesale price plus the fine. And that will all be passed on to power consumers.

Remember, that the original objective of the mandatory RET was to encourage the generation of electricity by renewable energy sources and, thereby, to reduce CO2 emissions in the electricity sector.

In the end result, however, power consumers will simply end up paying the cost of a whopping $65 per MWh fine – that will be recovered by retailers on over 42% of the fixed annual mandatory RET of 41,000 GWh.

By 2020, the $65 per MWh fine will be levied on a shortfall of around 18,000 GWh – which means a total of around $1.17 billion (18,000,000 MW x $65) will go straight into general revenue every year until 2031 – when the RET expires.

With the mandatory RET continuing until 2031 – and the $65 fine with it – this means that – from 2020 – a total of close to $12 billion will be added to power bills and pocketed by the Commonwealth. However, there will be: NO additional renewable energy; NO “break-through” on-demand renewable energy technologies; NO reduction in CO2 emissions – just a GREAT BIG TOXIC TAX on ALL Australian electricity consumers.

It’s a point not lost on Australia’s miners. Mining investment and mining exports have kept the Australian economy at the top of the international leader-board in terms of growth in incomes and meaningful employment. Australia dodged a GFC bullet thanks to the red stuff being shovelled out of mountains in North-West Western Australia and the black stuff being shipped out of Queensland. And those States with big mining sectors (WA and QLD) continue to out perform the rest by a mile – in terms of growth in incomes and employment.

So, when miners talk, sensible governments listen (see our posts here andhere). Here’s The Australian on what the miners are saying about the mandatory RET.

Subsidies for clean energy to hit $21bn
The Australian
Annabel Hepworth
22 May 2014

SUBSIDIES for renewable energy schemes such as rooftop solar panels and wind farms will cost electricity consumers up to $21.6 billion by 2020, a new analysis has found.

A submission by the Minerals Council of Australia also warns that more gas and coal-fired power stations could be mothballed or permanently closed as the renewable energy target puts pressure on the electricity market and slashes their revenues.

If this happens, retail electricity prices “can be expected to increase”, according to an economic analysis commissioned by the council which represents mining giants including BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto and Glencore Xstrata.

The analysis also hits back at fresh claims by the clean energy sector that the RET will create up to 18,400 jobs by 2020, declaring “the most immediate effects” from subsidising the renewable sector are job losses as cheaper forms of energy are crowded out.

“Additional job losses can be expected to arise from the drain on economic activity as a result of higher electricity prices,” it finds.

Former Queensland treasurer Keith De Lacy — now one of the nation’s best-known company directors — declared it was “plain crazy” to have schemes such as the RET, solar feed-in tariffs and carbon tax that were driving up power bills.

“The Australian public keep complaining about the increases in the costs of living and this has become even more so since the budget,” Mr De Lacy told The Australian yesterday.

“But one of the biggest increases in cost has been the price of electricity … It’s the most fundamental of services to the Australian public … These kind of things just make some people feel good but don’t achieve anything.

“They’ve got no place, I believe, in a modern economy.”

The comments add to pressure on the Coalition, given it is split over what to do about the RET.

According to the Principal Economics review commissioned by the Minerals Council, the RET scheme has an opportunity cost (money that could have been invested elsewhere) of more than $36bn by 2020-21.

The analysis finds that subsidies that are recovered through the sale of renewable energy certificates, which are directly passed on to consumers, could reach between $19.3bn and $21.6bn by 2020-21, covering part of the cost to build the infrastructure.

The miners are wielding the figures in a bid to convince the government-appointed RET review panel that the scheme is excessively costly for households and industry, and cannot continue the way it is.

“These are the additional costs paid by energy consumers: households, domestic firms and exporters such as the mining sector,” the council’s submission says.

The submission also warns that the RET will encumber business with “uncapped and high costs for subsidies”, particularly for the scheme for rooftop solar PV panels, “because of poor design and a series of inchoate policy shifts”.

In 2010, then federal minister Martin Ferguson said the RET was a “bonus to the renewable sector of the order of another $20bn to $30bn in commonwealth government support”.

The Australian Industry Group has called for the RET to be maintained, despite demands by some businesses that it be scrapped because it is expensive.

The AiGroup says that while the cost of building wind farms and solar panels is passed on to customers, extra energy from wind farms and solar panels has pushed down wholesale prices.

This has also been a key pillar of arguments by the Clean Energy Council, which is wielding its own research by ROAM Consulting that finds household energy prices would be $50 a year lower by 2020 with the RET, and that leaving it alone would create 18,400 jobs.

The Minerals Council has told the panel lower wholesale prices are not a “function of competitive forces but of government intervention”, are likely to be short-lived and undermine investments in coal and gas-fired power stations needed for reliable electricity supplies.

The analysis points to power station retirements including the permanent shutdown of the Munmorah black coal power station in NSW and temporary closure of South Australia’s Playford.

“Overall retail price rises have therefore been lower than they otherwise would have been,” the analysis says.

Wholesale electricity prices are “likely to increase” if power generators that become unprofitable close. Minerals Council chief executive Brendan Pearson said access to cheap, reliable energy had been a “source of economic strength” for Australia. “This is no longer the case,” he said.

The analysis draws on previous modelling. It quotes estimates by SKM MMA for the Climate Change Authority in December 2012 that put the cost for buying certificates for large-scale renewables at $15.9bn by 2020-21 and for small-scale renewables at $3.4bn — totalling $19.3bn.

Like most of the figures cited in the new analysis, these are based on an assumption of no carbon price — which the analysis says is appropriate as the Abbott government has announced its plans to repeal it.

To get to the $21.6bn figure, the analysis cites modelling by ACIL Tasman for TRUenergy (now EnergyAustralia) — which wants the RET scaled back — that puts the subsidy for the small-scale scheme at $5.7bn.
The Australian

The figure of $21.6 billion cited for the cost of the REC Tax up to 2020 is pretty close to the mark – matching the figures forecast by Liberal MP, Angus “the Enforcer” Taylor and privately confirmed by Origin.

However, we’re not sure why the Minerals Council stopped the clock at 2020?

The mandatory RET continues until 2031, such that – between 2020 and 2031 – a further $25-30 billion will be collected from power consumers: either by generators in the form of the REC Tax/Subsidy; or by the government in the form of the $65 per MWh fine (the “shortfall charge” – see our commentary above).

As you’d expect the Clean Energy Council trot out the same “Alice in Wonderland” twaddle that they’ve been peddling over the last month or so trying to protect their wind industry clients. No surprises there. Their claim about the RET creating 18,400 “green” jobs is patent nonsense; and gets treated with the contempt it deserves by the Minerals Council.

As to the comments from the Australian Industry Group, we’re not sure what planet they’ve been living on. These lightweights are either simply too lazy to have bothered to read the Renewable Energy legislation; or simply too dumb to understand it – sure, for the intellectually challenged it’s long-winded and tricky to follow (they could start with our post here). And they clearly haven’t paid a power bill lately.

Power consumers couldn’t care less about the wholesale price – they’re lumbered with the retail price – which DOES include the cost of the REC Tax; as well as the obscene returns guaranteed under the Power Purchase Agreements between wind power generators and retailers.

The REC Tax and PPAs are both the direct product of the mandatory RET and have resulted in Australians paying the among highest retail power prices in the world (see page 11 of this paper: FINAL-INTERNATIONAL-PRICE-COMPARISON-FOR-PUBLIC-RELEASE-19-MARCH-2012 – the figures are from 2011 and SA has seen prices jump since then).

The article refers to a “split” in the Coalition over the fate of the mandatory RET. The “split” is – on our reckoning – more like a “splinter”. The vast majority see the mandatory RET for what it is: “corporate welfare on steroids” which – given the Coalition’s unpopular budgetary attack on the “age of entitlement” – simply has to go.

If the Coalition can’t “sell” voters on the need for a measly $7 dollar Medicare co-payment for visits to the Doctor (in order to ensure Medicare is sustainable in the future), how on earth is it ever going to justify an entirely unnecessary $50-60 billion hit on power consumers if the mandatory RET is maintained?

To make the “sell” even harder, that’s $50-60 billion to be pocketed either as REC Tax/Subsidy – by foreign-owned outfits like Acciona, Union Fenosa and RATCH; or by the government in the form of the $65 per MWh fine, with no environmental benefit whatsoever.

It’s a “no-brainer”, Tony – kill the mandatory RET now, before it kills your chances of a second term.

abbottcover

 

Tim Hudak can Legally get rid of Greed Energy Contractual Obligations!

Killing green energy contracts

Done the right way, a new PC government could indeed rip up green energy contracts with no liability. Should they?

Brent Lewin/BloombergDone the right way, a new PC government could indeed rip up green energy contracts with no liability. 

Hudak’s Ontario Conservatives can easily and legally negate the giveaways the Liberals had lavished on renewables developers

Tim Hudak says the Ontario Conservatives, if elected, will cancel lucrative wind and solar contracts put in place under the Liberals’ green energy program. Can he do so without racking up huge compensation costs?

The answer is yes – if he does it the right way.

The wrong way is to direct the Ontario Power Authority to simply terminate existing contracts, which have robust compensation clauses. The liabilities would dwarf the $1.1-billion paid out by the Liberals for cancelled gas plants.

The right way is to legislate: to enact a statute that declares green contracts to be null and void, and the province to be free from liability. The compensation clauses in the contract will be rendered inoperative if the statute says so.

Statutes can override iron-clad provisions in a contract because that is the nature of legislative supremacy: Legislatures can pass laws of any kind, as long as they are within their jurisdiction and do not offend the constitution. Legislating on electricity production is clearly a provincial power, as are “property and civil rights.”

Since the Canadian constitution does not guarantee property or contract rights, there are no obvious constitutional limitations on a provincial legislature’s ability to change any contract as it likes. Unlike the U.S. Constitution, in Canada there is no constitutional right to compensation for property expropriated by government.

Courts interpret ambiguous statutes as implicitly requiring compensation be paid to the owner of expropriated property. But if the statute is clear that no compensation shall be paid, the words of the statute govern. Where a statute and a contract are in conflict, the statute prevails. Although unilateral and retroactive changes to established contracts might seem to offend the rule of law, the Supreme Court of Canada has said that prospectivity is not a constitutional requirement for legislation.

AdvertisementWhat about NAFTA? Could a U.S. or Mexican firm with a cancelled green energy contract in Ontario seek compensation for discriminatory expropriation under Chapter 11? If government action singled out a specific party’s contract for termination, it could well be characterized as discriminatory. But if Hudak’s statute cancelled large numbers of contracts for a public policy objective and treated domestic and foreign firms similarly, then NAFTA protections are unlikely to apply.

So, done the right way, a new PC government could indeed rip up green energy contracts with no liability. Should they? While legislatures can cancel contracts, they rarely do so because it penalizes parties who have done business with government, and therefore creates a disincentive to do so in the future. It erodes economic confidence and credibility. For Conservatives and their supporters, cancelling energy contracts may depend on what they find more offensive: Rich subsidies for the production of solar and wind energy, or unilateral changes to valid contracts. No renewable energy contracts have been cancelled in Ontario yet, but in Europe this line has been crossed: Spain, France, Italy and Belgium have all stepped back from their original terms for the production and purchase of renewable power, to the detriment of their domestic renewable energy industries.

The McGuinty Liberals did not pass a statute to escape the bill for cancelled gas plants. It is difficult to know why without all the facts. Perhaps they thought $1.1-billion in costs and erased records would not come to light. Perhaps they feared that legislation would have required disclosure of facts they wanted hidden. Perhaps refusing to pay compensation would have crippled their ability to enter into future contracts with the same or similar companies. Perhaps there were foreign firms involved that could, in fact, have claimed under NAFTA for discriminatory expropriation. Perhaps they judged the political and economic costs to be too high – it is one thing to roll back a program created by a previous government, especially if you have campaigned on the issue, and quite another for a long-standing government to arbitrarily cancel its own contracts. Or perhaps they did not have an opportunity until after they lost their majority, which made it politically untenable.

Contracts are safe when both parties are bound in law to follow them. Contracting with government means that one party has the power to change the rules after the contract is made. Buyers and sellers beware: At the end of the day, the protection in a government contract is not legal but political.

Bruce Pardy is a law professor at Queen’s University.

Wind Turbine Owner Pays Resident $15,000.00, in “Hush” money.

North Kingstown R.I. Residents Paid 15K To Keep Quiet Over Turbines

North Kingstown, Rhode Island

Court records: Former NK residents paid $15K not to disparage wind turbine
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NORTH KINGSTOWN — A couple who previously lived next to the 413-foot wind turbine in a subdivision off Ten Rod Road – and staunchly opposed its construction – were paid $15,000 by the turbine’s owner in 2011 and agreed not to publicly or privately disparage the project.
The couple, Scott and Nicole Newcombe, also agreed not to return any inquiries from the media about the turbine, or provide written or spoken comments about the turbine to any local, state or federal regulatory body, according to a signed copy of the confidential settlement agreement submitted in court documents as part of a civil lawsuit filed by the Newcombes.

The couple, formerly of 52 Thornton Way, filed the lawsuit against North Kingstown Green, Wind Energy Development LLC and Mark DePasquale in Washington County Superior Court on May 10. They now live in North Carolina.
DePasquale is the developer who built the North Kingstown Green subdivision and the owner of Wind Energy Development, which built the controversial turbine. He also is a resident of North Kingstown Green; the turbine is located adjacent to his home at 42 Thornton Way.
Although the turbine was approved by North Kingstown’s Planning Commission in May 2011, residents of North Kingstown Green came out in opposition to the turbine’s construction after the fact – contacting local media and speaking out in opposition to the turbine at Town Council meetings. They said they were not aware of “the particulars” of the turbine proposal and, despite signing a document that said they would support its construction, they opposed it.
In February 2011, the Newcombes and neighbors Colleen Clare, Sean Coen, Kim and Todd Teixeira, Munmun Das, Subhransu Mohanty and Shelley Anderson all signed a letter submitted to the Independent that laid out their concerns with the turbine.
“We at first did not oppose this project, however, with the recent developments surrounding [another proposed turbine at Stamp Farm on South County Trail] and all the new information available to us, we have become more informed of the magnitude and impact this turbine will have on our families’ health and safety, as well as the effect it will have on the perceived value of North Kingstown Green in general and our homes in particular,” the letter noted.
The proposed Stamp Farm turbine was never built.
The North Kingstown Green residents went on to write, “But, our primary concern doesn’t reside with the aesthetic harm to the beauty of our neighborhood and North Kingstown; it is the health and safety issues of our families, especially the children, that most concern us.”
As part of the approved plans, portions of land adjacent to the turbine were to be exchanged between DePasquale and landowners in the development, and property deeds were supposed to be transferred. While all of the North Kingstown Green residents signed letters consenting to the turbine’s construction, the actual paperwork for the deed transfers wasn’t filed with the town.
When some of the neighbors balked at signing the deed transfers, DePasquale filed a $25 million lawsuit against the neighbors in May 2011. A month later, a confidential settlement was reached between DePasquale and the neighbors, but the terms were never disclosed.
The outcry from the neighbors ceased and after the dust settled, the 413-foot Chinese-made Goldwind Global GW87 was erected in October of last year.
Under the terms of the agreement with the Newcombes, DePasquale agreed to pay $15,000 to the couple and would purchase their home for $612,500 if they decided to move. The terms of the confidential settlement agreements with other neighbors was not included in the court record.
When asked if the settlement agreement with the Newcombes was similar to agreements signed with the other neighbors, Brian LaPlante, the couple’s lawyer, said he didn’t know.
DePasquale’s lawyer, Steven Boyajian, declined comment Friday on the case.
According to town property records, the Newcombes bought the house for $575,000 in 2009. The 2013 assessed value is $522,700.
In DePasquale’s deposition, which is included in court documents, he said the agreement to buy the house for more than the selling price was “obscene,” but agreed to the settlement in order to resolve the issue.
The settlement agreement stipulated that if the Newcombes did decide to move, he would buy the house only after receiving federal grant money related to the turbine project, or 180 days after the turbine became operational – which occurred March 1, 2013.
If the Newcombes were able to sell the house on their own for less than the $612,500 figure, DePasquale would pay the difference as long as it was less than $150,000.
That agreement is now at the center of the most recent lawsuit the Newcombes have filed for breach of contract.
According to court documents, a woman who was a friend of the Newcombes contacted Phillips Post Road Realty earlier this year and said her sister was interested in purchasing the Newcombes’ property. She mentioned the Newcombes spoke of their displeasure with the turbine and the legal battle that took place in 2011.
A Realtor contacted the listing agent for the property, who said DePasquale was supposed to be buying the parcel back from the Newcombes, although the listing agent called back the Realtor later and said he wasn’t supposed to have mentioned that fact.
All of the parties involved in those conversations have been issued subpoenas to be deposed.
In the lawsuit, LaPlante argued that the Newcombes “have suffered and will continue to suffer severe and substantial damages” and the settlement agreement was a “valid, binding and enforceable contract.” They asked for the court to issue a declatory judgment and award punitive damages.
Boyajian, however, argued the Newcombes broke the terms of the contract when they discussed the terms of the settlement, the turbine and their displeasure with it with a potential buyer. He said DePasquale has “suffered damages including the loss of a potential purchase of the property,” and asked Superior Court Judge Kristin Rodgers to dismiss the case and order the Newcombes to pay $30,000 in costs associated with defending the lawsuit.
LaPlante asked for Rodgers to issue a summary judgment in the case and argued that the alleged breach – which the Newcombes deny occurred – did not interfere with the construction and operation of the turbine and that the basis of the confidential settlement agreement was to move the project forward to completion. He also argued that DePasquale has not lost any money over the alleged breach.
DePasquale’s lawyers argue it is difficult to quantify any losses associated with “bad publicity” from the dispute with the neighbors. In his deposition, DePasquale said he has been appearing before the Westerly Town Council seeking permission to build two wind turbines in town and that the council continues to make reference to the North Kingstown turbine and the controversy that surrounded it.
Rodgers denied the requests from both lawyers for a ruling and, according to court records, the case was been assigned for trial but no date has been set.
Hundreds of residents attended more than a dozen meetings in 2011 on both the North Kingstown Green turbine proposal and the Stamp Farm proposal. The majority of those residents voiced their staunch opposition to both turbines. Among their fears, opponents said the turbine could fall on a home and kill or injure someone, that their property values would be diminished and the flicker of light off the blades and sound could affect the quality of their lives and their health.
Since that time, the Town Council placed a moratorium on the construction of all wind turbines in town.
church@neindependent.com

church@neindependent.com
http://www.independentri.com/independents/north_east/article_ae66d34a-a3fd-549d-a3a4-04d20788de49.html

Tales of Torture! Living with 3mw Industrial Wind Turbines – Annie Gardner

The Annie Gardner Story

Ep 475 Wind Turbine Wars

Annie Gardner joins us from Victoria to discuss her story regarding the incursion of the Wind Turbine Industry into their family farm. Together we discuss her story and what it is like to live beside 140 wind turbines 90 meters tall, and to feel the health effects from this assault.

We discuss the withholding of Freedom of Information documents pertaining to the comprehensive fraud being conducted against the people of the is country. We discuss the speech by John Madigan in the Senate declaring that Industry is colluding with Doctors and the Medical industry against We the People. Annie has been a tireless worker in the Resistance in an attempt to gain back power for We the People.

14.05.18 Annie Gardner.mp3

 

 http://fairdinkumradio.com/resources/14.05.18%20Annie%20Gardner.mp3

Wind Turbines Sufferer

21.3.13 Also we are joined by Annie Gardner a Farmer from SW Victoria as she shares her story of the effects of the MacArthur Wind Farm bordering her farm.

She discusses the effects on the community, personal health and the animals health. She shares how her business has been destroyed as a result of the Wind Farm operation.

The Liberals of Ontario are Destroying our Financial Future!

Ontario worse than California:

Province faces crisis due to 78% jump in spending

Toronto's Queen's Park, home of the Ontario Legislative Building.

Peter J. Thompson/National PostToronto’s Queen’s Park, home of the Ontario Legislativ

Ontario faces crisis due to 78% jump in spending

‘I do not want Ontario to become like California,” Ontario Finance Minister Dwight Duncan once proclaimed. And it’s not hard to understand why — California is a fiscal nightmare. It has the lowest bond rating in the United States and its own treasurer, Bill Lockyer, referred to the state budget as “a fiscal train wreck.”

Yet, despite all that is said about California’s finances in the media and financial markets, Ontario is in much worse shape.

Back in 2002-03, the fiscal year before the governing Liberals took office, Ontario’s net debt (assets minus liabilities) stood at $132.6-billion. In the ensuing decade, the province’s debt ballooned by almost 78% to $235.6-billion (2011-12). Most worrying, however, is that if Ontario continues on its current path (status quo in terms of spending and revenues), its debt will balloon to over $550-billion (66% of GDP) by the end of the decade (2019-20).

As the nearby table highlights, Ontario is decidedly worse than California on every measure of debt. For example, despite the fact that California’s population and economy are almost three times that of Ontario, Ontario’s total debt is 64.4% larger than ­California.

On a per-person basis, Ontario’s bonded debt (the concept of net debt is not used in U.S. public accounting) currently stands at nearly $18,000, over four-and-a-half times that of Californiaat $3,800. As a share of the economy, Ontario’s debt (38.6%) is more than five times that of the Golden State (7.7% of GDP). This is a stunning difference in the burden of debt, particularly given the attention and concern focused on California compared with Ontario.

While the two jurisdictions face similar average interest rates for their debt, the large difference in the stock of the debt means equally large differences in interest costs. Specifically, Ontario spends almost double what California does on interest costs in dollar terms and a little over three times what California spends as a share of the revenues collected, 8.9% compared to 2.8% of revenues. This is money that could have been spent on health care, education, public safety.

Thankfully, the Liberal government of Ontario, which just selected a new leader, Kathleen Wynne, has a real opportunity to break with past policies and fundamentally deal with its skyrocketing public debt.

There are two principal barriers holding back genuine efforts at tackling the province’s fiscal problems. The first is a basic misunderstanding of the province’s deficits and debt. More specifically, there is a view that Ontario’s deficits and mounting debt are a result of a lack of revenues. The data here tell a very different story.

In 2002-03, Ontario collected $74.9-billion in revenues and spent $65.1-billion on programs. Some $9.7-billion was spent on interest costs, which resulted in a balanced budget.

Revenues grew to $104.1-billion in 2007-08 (prior to the recession) before decreasing in 2008-09 and 2009-10. This year (2012-13), revenues are expected to be $112.2-billion, some $8-billion higher than the pre-recession high. All told, revenues have grown by 49.8% since 2002-03.

The problem is that provincial program spending has increased by 77.8% from 2002-03 to 2012-13. Simply put, Ontario has had a spending problem over the last decade, not a revenue problem.

The second barrier to dealing with the province’s deficits and debt is apathy. Ontarians are either unaware or uninterested in the province’s indebtedness. We should not be surprised by politicians and bureaucrats ignoring policy issues and the risks associated with them when the citizens of the province don’t seem concerned.

Take, for example, The Globe and Mail editorial the day after Wynne’s victory, which started with the headline “Premier-designate Kathleen Wynne must practise saying no.” If only it were that simple. “Saying no” would have been good advice back in 2002-03; now the new premier must boldly and quickly strike at the root of the problem: unsustainable increases in health care, education and most other government spending.

Or consider how the folks at the Business News Network reacted to our study by claiming: “The reality is once the economy starts growing strongly again in Ontario, revenues will rise and expenditures on things like welfare will fall. It’s not really about cutting spending; it’s about resuming economic growth.”

This indifference is buttressed by the near complete lack of any serious response by the Ontario government to the much-heralded report by the province’s own Commission on the Reform of Ontario’s Public Services, which became known as the Drummond commission. The commission’s report should have been a call to arms for the government to act on reform. Instead, inaction has ensued.

The reality is that Ontario’s indebtedness is significantly worse than the poster-child for bad public finances, California. The inaction to date only delays the inevitable and deepens the breadth and depth of changes needed later. The new premier has an opportunity to set the province on a new, sustainable path. Let us hope she both understands and embraces the need for change.

Financial Post

Jason Clemens and Niels Veldhuis are the editors of “State of Ontario’s Indebtedness: Warning Signs to Act,” recently released by the Fraser Institute.

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